APRIL 29, 2008
An unprecedented document has surfaced -- I discovered it in this week’s issue of The New York Review of Books (Volume LV, Number 8) – in which 368 of China’s leading intellectuals, currently residing in China, have written and signed an appeal to the Chinese government to alter its draconian policy toward Tibet. After further investigation, I’ve learned that some of the signatories are already either under house arrest or in prison. All of them are fearless in their criticism and deserve our support.
At the end of the document there are three e-mail addresses where other Chinese national dissidents, who have not yet signed the document, can register their protest against their country’s leadership.
Twelve Suggestions for Dealing with the Tibetan Situation, by Some Chinese Intellectuals:
1. At present the one-sided propaganda of the official Chinese
media is having the effect of stirring up inter-ethnic animosity and
aggravating an already tense situation. This is extremely detrimental
to the long-term goal of safeguarding national unity. We cal for such
propaganda to be stopped.
2. We support the Dalai Lama’s
appeal for peace, and hope that the ethnic conflict can be dealt with
according to the principles of goodwill, peace and nonviolence. We
condemn any violent act against innocent people, strongly urge the
Chinese government to stop the violent suppression, and appeal to the
Tibetan people likewise not to engage in violent activities.
3.
The Chinese government claims that “there is sufficient evidence to
prove this incident was organized, premeditated, and meticulously
orchestrated by the Dalai clique.” We hope that the government will
show proof of this. In order to change the international community’s
negative view and distrustful attitude, we also suggest that the
government invite the United Nations’ Commission on Human Rights to
carry out an independent investigation of the evidence, the course of
the incident, the number of casualties, etc.
4. In our
opinion, such Cultural Revolution-like language as “the Dalai Lama is a
jackal in Buddhist monk’s robes and an evil spirit with a human face
and the heart of a beast” used by the Chinese Communist Party
leadership in the Tibet Autonomous Region is of no help in easing the
situation, nor is it beneficial to the Chinese government’s image. As
the Chinese government is committed to integrating into the
international community, we maintain that it should display a style of
governing that conforms to the standards of modern civilization.
5.
We take note of the fact that on the very day when violence first
broke out in Lhasa (March 14), the government authorities in Tibet were
already announcing that “we possess ample evidence that the violence
has been organized, plotted in advance, and meticulously orchestrated
by the Dalai clique.” If so, then government authorities knew in
advance that rioting was going to occur and yet did nothing to prevent
it or to stop it from spreading. There should be a rigorous inquiry
into the possibility of official involvement and malfeasance.
6.
If in the end it cannot be shown that the events were organized,
plotted in advance, and meticulously orchestrated [by the Dalai Lama]
but emerges instead that they were a government-instigated “popular
revolt,” then the officials who were responsible for instigating this
“revolt” and for sending false and deceptive reports about it to the
central government and to the citizens of the country should be held to
account. There should be conscientious reflection, and the learning of
lessons, so that such things never happen again.
7. We
strongly demand that the authorities not subject every Tibetan to
political investigation or revenge. The trials of those who have been
arrested must be carried out according to judicial procedures that are
open, just, and transparent so as to ensure that all parties are
satisfied.
8. We urge the Chinese government to allow
credible national and international media to go into Tibetan areas to
conduct independent interviews and news reports. In our view, the
current news blockade cannot gain credit with the Chinese people or the
international community, and is harmful to the credibility of the
Chinese government. If the government sticks to true accounts of the
events, it need not fear challenges. Only by adopting an open attitude
can we turn around the international community’s distrust of our
government.
9. We appeal to the Chinese people and overseas
Chinese to be calm and tolerant, and to reflect deeply on what is
happening. Adopting a posture of aggressive nationalism will only
invite antipathy from the international community and harm China’s
international image.
10. The disturbances in Tibet in
the1980s were limited to Lhasa, whereas this time they have spread to
many Tibetan areas. This deterioration indicates that there are serious
mistakes in the work that has been done with regard to Tibet. The
relevant government departments must conscientiously reflect upon this
matter, examine their failures, and fundamentally change the failed
nationality policies.
11. In order to prevent similar
incidents from happening in future, the government must abide by the
freedom of religious belief and the freedom of speech explicitly
enshrined in the Chinese Constitution, thereby allowing the Tibetan
people fully to express their grievances and hopes, and permitting
citizens of all nationalities freely to criticize and make suggestions
regarding the government’s nationality policies.
12. We hole
that we must eliminate animosity and bring about national
reconciliation, not continue to increase divisions between
nationalities. A country that wishes to avoid the partition of its
territory must first avoid divisions among its nationalities.
Therefore, we appeal to the leaders of our country to hold direct
dialogue with the Dalai Lama. We hope that the Chinese and Tibetan
people will do away with the misunderstandings between them, develop
their interactions with each other, and achieve unity. Government
departments as much as popular organizations and religious figures
should make great efforts toward this goal.
Signatories:
Wang Lixiong (Beijing, writer)
Liu Xiaobo (Beijing, freelance writer)
Zhang Zuhua (Beijing, scholar of constitutionalism)
Sha Yexin (Shanghai, writer, Chinese Muslim)
Yu Haocheng (Beijing, jurist)
Ding Zilin (Beijing, professor)
Jiang Peikun (Beijing, professor)
Yu Jie (Beijing, writer)
Sun Wenguang (Shangdong, professor)
Ran Yunfei (Sichuan, editor, Tujia nationality)
Pu Zhiqiang (Beijing, lawyer)
Teng Biao (Beijing, lawyer and scholar
Liao Yiwu (Sichuan, writer)
Wang Qisheng (Beijing, scholar)
Zhang Xianling (Beijing, engineer)
Xu Jue (Beijing, research fellow)
Li Jun (Gansu, photographer)
Gao Yu (Beijing, journalist)
Wang Debang (Beijing, freelance writer)
Zhao Dagong (Shenzhen, freelance writer)
Jiang Danwen (Shanghai, writer)
Liu Yi (Gansu, painter)
Wu Hui (Beijing, writer)
Wang Tiancheng (Beijing, scholar)
Wen Kejian (Hangzhou, writer)
Li Hai (Beijing, freelance writer)
Tian Yongde (Inner Mongolia, rights activist)
Zan Aizong (Hangzhou, journalist)
Liu Yiming (Hubei, freelance writer)
Liu Di (Beijing)
And 338 others
The rules of signing one’s name are as follows:
1. No anonymous or pseudonymous signatures should be used.
2. Only one’s own name or commonly used pen name may be used.
3. One needs to include one’s name, the province of one’s current residence, and one’s occupation.
4. Signatures can be sent to one of the following e-mail addresses”
xizangwenti@gmail.com
xiamixiami@hotmail.com
degewa@gmail.com
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